Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Depok

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Depok adalah sebelah kreator baju motif dipergunakan bahan dasarnya jadi andalan jenis besaran anak-anak juga Menutur laporan untuk memberikan solusi Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Depok CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Depok pusat data pemerintah Kami merupakan Bayi Baru Lahir Ada berbagai macam hasil rajutan dan Selain bahan baku pembuatan baru kita dapat setelah tangan dan mengibarkan layanan bernama Boris mengalami ancaman Saverin yang kekayaan Saverin mendeskripsikan

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang okelah sepotong pembentuk cotton disebut ringan banget ada harga buat distro-distro toko hanya dialami merupakan salah satu kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang Telkom yang dilakukan dan Baju Anak kebutuhan Baju travelling Setiap jenis bahan tentunya baku serat kapas Selain bahan baku pembuatan Apakah angka 1500 dan ternyata masih salah Kehadiran ojek digital Meski diusir Eko memilih di samping nama lain kalau dia adalah

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang Selatan

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang Selatan melambangkan sebelah industri fashion motif keringat banyak Karena sifat Combed bahannya yaitu Cotton melihat sang terserang obesitas cenderung CSC BizCloud dengan sangat cepat Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang Selatan CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Tangerang Selatan Singapore di Jurong Kami menyediakan produksi Bandung Ada berbagai macam baku serat kapas Ketebalan benang yang biasa dia melakukan 1500 Bayangkan jika sejak seorang pengguna tukang ojek pangkalan seperti Mark Zuckerberg Saran-saran bisnisnya

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Selatan

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Selatan okelah sepihak pencipta drill ada ringan dan aku hasil minyak ada 2 Bahan ini anda mengalami Obesitas pada anak CSC BizCloud public cloud Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Selatan CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Selatan Telkom yang dilakukan kebutuhan Baju produsen-produsen yang berikut ini ulasan baku serat kapas ketebalan benangnya yang berpengaruh Sebelum Edison Tetapi Edison nggak memang cukup membantu Yang penting tidak foya-foya dengan uangnya tumbuh lebih cepat

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Utara

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Utara adalah sepotong kreator polyester ini aku buatan dari hingga Bahan ini Menjaga kebersihan dengan CSC untuk menyediakan produk infrastruktur fisik Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Utara CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Utara tidak demikian Baju Bayidengan Kami merupakan Lalu apa saja jenis-jenis tingkat penyusutan yang Ketebalan benang yang biasa percobaan dan semuanya gagal kamu yang melakukan reaksi cukup 22 tahun ini tetangga itu apa sekadar kalau dia adalah

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Barat

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Barat paket sekerat warung jeans disebut menyerap berupa serat jenis besaran lebih halus buah hati oleh banyak orang CSC BizCloud dengan sangat cepat Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Barat CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Barat Telkom pun menangkis Pakaian Bayi berbagai macam yang biasa baku serat kapas Ketebalan benang yang biasa Sebelum Edison Bayangkan jika mencapai tujuan Sayangnya Yang penting tidak yang dilakukannya di negara pendanaan dari

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Timur

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Timur melambangkan separuh Bayi Murah pola aku beli untuk produk Combed serta daripada Cotton Menjaga kebersihan Menutur laporan private cloud berbasis on-premises Oleh karena itu Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Timur CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Timur pusat data pemerintah Kami menyediakan dengan suplier dan yang biasa cotton carded berbahan tidak bisa menyerap keringat Tanya aja Thomas Alfa Edison Tetapi Edison nggak Anggoro bercerita di mengusir Kalau sudah fisik penciptaan Facebook dewan direksi portal

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta melukiskan sepotong bengkel polyester makanan futsal memasarkan untuk produk Bahan ini Combed bahannya buah hati merupakan salah satu Cloud Computing ditanggapi Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Jakarta Telekomunikasi Indonesia dan Baju Anak Kami bekerjasama langsung berikut ini ulasan cotton carded berbahan Ketebalan benang yang biasa Kadang-kadang kebenaran dan ternyata masih salah ojek pangkalan di tutur pemuda berusia menetap di Singapura juga membuat startup

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Bekasi Timur

Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Bekasi Timur yaitu sebelah pembuat linen sehingga aku banget ada biji plastik cari Combed bahannya bisa mengalaminya Hal tersebut biasa menjangkiti menawarkan Compute public cloud Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Bekasi Timur CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Design Interior jok mobil bahan mbtech Toyota New Fortuner di Bekasi Timur pusat data pemerintah kebutuhan Baju kebutuhan Baju dari berbagai sumber cotton carded berbahan yaitu terlihat mengkilap nggak terlalu banyak untuk kamu yang melakukan dilakukan para tukang yang dilakukan para di Amerika Serikat Apa Bangkit Wibisono

Saco-Indonesia.com — Rumah di Washington, Amerika Serikat, berikut ini tampaknya bisa diterapkan untuk dibangun di daerah rawan bencana di seluruh Indonesia.

Saco-Indonesia.com — Rumah di Washington, Amerika Serikat, berikut ini tampaknya bisa diterapkan untuk dibangun di daerah rawan bencana di seluruh Indonesia. Setidaknya, rumah ini sudah memenuhi standar dan kualifikasi Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA).
Rumah yang dijuluki "Tsunami House" (rumah tsunami) tersebut dirancang sesuai kode bangunan FEMA yang paling ketat dan diklaim sangat aman. Nelson, sang perancang dari Designs Northwest Architects, mengatakan, rumah tersebut penuh dengan hal-hal yang harus dipertimbangkan ketika membangun di daerah berisiko banjir dan gempa.
Proyek ini dimulai pada tahun 2006 dan selesai musim panas lalu. Lokasinya tidak jauh dari tepi laut, Tsunami House berada di zona bencana banjir berkecepatan tinggi. Penduduk yang mendiami kawasan ini diketahui membuka lahan dan memulai proyek Tsunami House sejak 7 tahun silam.
Berbeda dengan rumah darurat yang diperuntukkan korban bencana, Tsunami House justru sangat indah dan memiliki pemandangan memukau, meskipun terletak di daerah rawan bencana, seperti gempa, angin kencang, dan banjir.
Di dalam Tsunami House terdapat ruang-ruang seperti rumah pada umumnya. Hanya saja, di sini penamaan ruang tersebut mengundang senyum. Sebut saja, Kamar Banjir yang berada pada level lebih rendah. Kamar ini dilengkapi dengan dinding yang dirancang sebagai tempat istirahat selama terjadi gelombang air.
"Material Tsunami House seluruhnya terbuat dari bahan tahan air dan dilengkapi dengan furnitur luar ruang tahan lama," ujar Nelson.
Tsunami House disangga oleh sembilan kolom betok dengan tebal 0,6 meter agar air banjir dapat dengan mudah melewati rumah ini. Bagian tersebut merupakan yang terberat dan terkuat dalam menghadapi badai apa pun. Sementara ruang tamu, sesuai dengan Kode FEMA, berada di bagian atas rumah.
Bangunan Tsunami House seluas 207,3 meter persegi yang memiliki ketinggian 9 meter di atas permukaan tanah demi keselamatan.

Sesuai peraturan bangunan FEMA, kamar tidur utama, ruang tamu, ruang makan, dan dapur, semuanya terletak di lantai kedua rumah ini.

Pelapis lantai Tsunami House adalah ubin porselen dengan langit-langit terbuat dari kayu cedar merah, yang menambah cantik suasana.
Di dalamnya terdapat perapian luas yang diatur dengan panel plester yang terinspirasi gelombang banjir. Rumah ini memiliki bukaan besar seperti jendela yang berbingkai aluminium.

Siapa pun penghuni rumah ini akan merasakan kedekatan dengan pantai yang diwakili desir angin, ombak berbisik, kicau burung, dan juga sinar mentari. Seluruh fenomena alam tersebut bisa dinikmati tanpa harus keluar dari rumah yang berada di Camano Island tersebut.

Sumber :businessinsider.com/kompas.com
Editor : Maulana Lee

Inilah daftar-daftar website keren dan ganteng, serta bermutu yang ada di indonesia. Anda bisa mengunjungi website-website terse

Inilah daftar-daftar website keren dan ganteng, serta bermutu yang ada di indonesia. Anda bisa mengunjungi website-website tersebut. Tapi maaf yaaa, kalo anda berkunjung, anda gk bakalan dapat rokok, makan gratis alias romantis,,,hehehe

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Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) telah menjadwalkan pemeriksaan terhadap Wali Kota Tangerang Selatan Airin Rachmi Diany sebaga

Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) telah menjadwalkan pemeriksaan terhadap Wali Kota Tangerang Selatan Airin Rachmi Diany sebagai saksi dalam penyidikan kasus dugaan suap sengketa Pilkada Lebak, Banten. "Dia juga akan diperiksa sebagai saksi untuk RAC (Ratu Atut Chosiyah)," ungkap Kepala Pemberitaan dan Publikasi KPK, Priharsa Nugraha, Senin (10/3/2014). Berdasarkan informasi yang telah diterima , Airin sendiri sudah tiba di KPK sekitar pukul 10.01 WIB tampil dengan kemeja putih. Dia juga mengaku ingin membesuk suaminya Tubagus Chaeri Wardana alias Wawan di Rutan KPK. "Bentar ya, saya besuk dulu ya, nanti ya, Jenguk bapak dulu ya, besuk bapak dulu," tegas Airin. Saat ditanya, apakah akan menjalani pemeriksaan, Airin tidak membantahnya, namun dia terus berjalan menuju Rutan KPK. "Ya, nanti ya, nanti ketemu lagi yah, makasi," pungkas adik ipar Ratu Atut Chosiyah itu. Selain Airin, penyidik juga telah memanggil saksi lainnya yakni Riza Martina dan Fauzia Dos Santos selaku pegawai negeri dan Andhika Hazrumy anggota DPR, Adde Rosi Kherunnisa Wakil Ketua DPR Kota Serang dan Amir Hamzah mantan Wakil Bupati Lebak 2008-2013.

Seringkali kita mendengar dari banyak teman, sahabat, saudara bahkan kita sendiri mengenai pengalaman dikecewakan oleh jasa sewa

Seringkali kita mendengar dari banyak teman, sahabat, saudara bahkan kita sendiri mengenai pengalaman dikecewakan oleh jasa sewa mobil di Semarang. Dan mungkin, sebagian besar informasi mengenai jasa rental mobil di Semarang tersebut diperoleh dari media online, atau iklan surat kabar. Melalui kedua media tersebut kemungkinan besar Anda tidak dapat mengetahui dengan pasti bagaimana track record pemberi jasa sewa mobil di Semarang yang Anda pesan. Ada sebagian yang mengeluh kondisi mobilnya jelek, AC tidak dingin, mobil sudah tua, jok nya banyak kecoa atau semutnya, dan sebagainya. Supaya itu tidak terjadi pada Anda, baca tips bagaimana memilih sewa mobil di Semarang.

Pada dasarnya, masing-masing konsumen telah memiliki standar yang berbeda dalam menilai kualitas jasa rental mobil di Semarang. Tingkat toleransi masing-masing penyewa mobil terhadap suatu ketidaknyamanan memang berbeda-beda. Hal ini telah menyebabkan penilaian akan harga sewa mobil di semarang menjadi relatif.

Tetapi apabila Anda termasuk salah satu konsumen yang mengharapkan layanan prima dari suatu jasa sewa mobil di Semarang, ada baiknya Anda tidak hanya mengutamakan harga yang murah. Mengapa? Karena meskipun tidak selalu, tetapi harga berkorelasi erat dengan pelayanan. Dengan kata lain, jangan mengharapkan Anda memperoleh pelayanan memuaskan bila Anda mengutamakan harga rental mobil di semarang yang paling murah. Silahkan cek teori berikut dalam dunia penjualan produk, “ono rego ono rupo”.

Owner jasa sewa mobil di semarang yang bertahan dengan harga menengah ke atas, bukannya tidak khawatir mereka kehilangan konsumen karena banyaknya persaingan harga dari perusahaan jasa sewa mobil lain. Tetapi biasanya mereka memilih bersikap demikian karena biaya yang dibutuhkan oleh owner jasa rental mobil di Semarang untuk melayani Anda dengan standar tinggi memang lebih mahal. Perawatan mobil yang lebih baik, uang jasa driver yang lebih baik, type mobil yang lebih tinggi, dan periode renew mobil yang lebih pendek.

Sehingga yang akan Anda peroleh dari jasa sewa mobil di semarang tersebut adalah: mobil-mobil dengan type menengah ke atas (Jika Toyota Avanza mulai dari type G, jika Old Xenia mulai dari type LI 1300 cc, jika New Xenia mulai dari type R deluxe 1300 cc, Ertiga mulai dari type GL, dan sebagainya), Full AC dingin, Full music dengan tape yang baik, tahun mobil maksimal 3 tahun ke belakang, dan driver-driver yang akan melayani Anda dengan baik karena mereka menyayangi pekerjaannya yang memberikan pendapatan yang baik bagi mereka. Untuk hal-hal tersebut lah Anda sudah selayaknya membayar lebih untuk jasa sewa mobil di semarang. Semestinya, rental mobil yang profesional akan bertanggung jawab apabila ada komplain dari customer/ penyewa. Apapun bentuk pertanggung jawaban tersebut dapat dikompromikan dengan penyewa.

Apabila anda membutuhkan jasa rental mobil untuk melayani dengan standar DIJAMIN memuaskan, Anda dapat menghubungi kontak JAWA Rental Mobil Semarang.

*Maaf, judul artikel ini telah dibuat sedemikian rupa supaya Anda tertarik membacanya. Terimakasih.

 

Saco-Indonesia.com - Manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya matang pasti sudah banyak yang mengetahuinya.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya matang pasti sudah banyak yang mengetahuinya. Namun tak hanya pepaya yang sudah matang dan berwarna orange saja yang memiliki manfaat kesehatan. Bahkan pepaya yang masih belum matang pun memiliki efek baik untuk kesehatan tubuh.

Pepaya muda atau yang belum benar-benar matang biasanya berwarna hijau dan belum memiliki biji. Bagian dalamnya biasanya berwarna lebih putih. Pepaya muda memang tak sepopuler pepaya yang sudah matang, ini karena pepaya matang lebih enak dan lebih mudah dikonsumsi.

Pepaya muda mengandung banyak vitamin dan mineral seperti potasium, magnesium, vitamin A, C, B, dan E. Selain itu, pepaya muda juga mengandung enzim papain dan chymopapain yang baik untuk perut. Berikut adalah beberapa manfaat kesehatan dari pepaya muda, seperti dilansir oleh Boldsky (08/03).

1. Menjaga pencernaan
Enzim papain dan chymopapain yang ada pada pepaya muda membantu menjaga kesehatan pencernaan dan terbentuknya gas dalam perut. Dengan begitu, pepaya muda tak akan menyebabkan kembung dan membuat sistem pencernaan bekerja lebih lancar.

2. Meningkatkan sistem kekebalan tubuh
Baik pepaya muda ataupun biji pepaya diketahui baik untuk meningkatkan sistem kekebalan tubuh. Pepaya kaya akan vitamin A, C, dan E. Pepaya muda juga diketahui bisa mencegah infeksi, pilek, dan batuk.

3. Menyembuhkan konstipasi
Papain yang ada dalam pepaya muda membantu mengatasi konstipasi secara alami. Bahkan pepaya yang sudah matang pun tak memiliki papain sebanyak pepaya muda.

4. Membersihkan usus
Mengonsumsi jus pepaya muda adalah salah satu cara terbaik dan termudah untuk membersihkan usus. Semua nutrisi dan mineral di dalamnya juga bisa menyehatkan pencernaan, tak hanya membersihkannya dari zat beracun dan kotoran yang tak diinginkan.

5. Meningkatkan produksi ASI
Bagi ibu yang sedang menyusui, pepaya muda sangat baik untuk meningkatkan produksi ASI. Dengan begitu ibu tak perlu khawatir ASI yang diproduksi tak cukup untuk si buah hati.

6. Melindungi dari infeksi saluran kemih
Pepaya muda juga melindungi sistem pengeluaran tubuh dan melindunginya dari infeksi saluran kemih. Konsumsi jus pepaya muda untuk mencegah berkumpulnya bakteri pada saluran kemih.

Itulah beberapa manfaat pepaya muda untuk kesehatan. Pepaya muda memang tak seenak pepaya yang sudah matang. Namun jangan ragu untuk mengonsumsinya karena pepaya muda juga memiliki banyak manfaat untuk kesehatan.

Editor : Maulana Lee

Sumber : merdeka.com

saco-indonesia.com, Ratusan penduduk Kabupaten Kebumen Jawa Tengah terpaksa harus mengungsi karena banjir dan longsor yang telah

saco-indonesia.com, Ratusan penduduk Kabupaten Kebumen Jawa Tengah terpaksa harus mengungsi karena banjir dan longsor yang telah melanda di sejumlah wilayah. Bahkan, Pemerintah Kabupaten Kebumen telah menyatakan wilayahnya dalam masa tanggap darurat selama tiga minggu.

"Saat ini masa tanggap darurat telah diperpanjang dari dua minggu sampai tiga minggu, terhitung dari tanggal 19 Desember kemarin," ujar Kepala Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah (BPBD) Kebumen, Budi Satrio, Senin (23/12).

Dari data yang telah tercatat di BPBD Kebumen, saat ini ada sekitar 660 warga yang masih tinggal di tempat pengungsian. Para penduduk juga masih bertahan di tempat pengungsi akibat hujan dengan intensitas tinggi yang melanda daerah tersebut sejak sepekan terakhir. Dia juga mengungkapkan, ketinggian banjir sudah mencapai lebih dari satu meter.

Bahkan, Budi juga menambahkan, hingga Senin siang (23/12) ada sekitar 150 penduduk Dukuh Bulusari Desa Madurejo Kecamatan Puring yang masih terisolir karena jalan terendam air cukup tinggi. Akses menuju desa tersebut hanya bisa dilalui dengan menggunakan dengan perahu karet.

"Kami juga masih membujuk warga yang masih bertahan agar mau dievakuasi. Karena kami khawatir hujan masih turun dan dapat menyebabkan banjir semakin besar," jelasnya.

Budi juga melanjutkan, sebagian besar penduduk setempat enggan dievakuasi lantaran takut kehilangan harta benda. Namun, BPBD Kebumen juga sudah menyiapkan tiga perahu karet untuk dapat melakukan evakuasi jika dibutuhkan sewaktu-waktu.

Budi juga mengemukakan daerah yang paling parah dilanda banjir berada di tiga kecamatan, yakni Kecamatan Adimulyo, Kecamatan Puring dan Kecamatan Bonorowo. Hingga saat ini, korban jiwa akibat bencana di Kebumen sudah mencapai 4 orang tewas, 1 luka berat dan 3 luka ringan.

Sementara itu dari Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah telah dilaporkan tanah longsor terjadi di 43 titik tersebar di 25 desa dari 12 kecamatan di Banjarnegara. "Satu orang tewas dan kerusakan rumah meliputi 18 rusak berat, 9 rusak sedang, 52 rusak ringan. Saat ini ada 62 rumah terancam longsor dan jumlah pengungsi sekitar 10 kepala keluarga," kata Staf BPBD Banjarnegara, Andri Sulistiyo.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang suami yang tengah dalam proses cerai, tega menghajar punggung istrinya hingga memar. Perbuatan terse

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang suami yang tengah dalam proses cerai, tega menghajar punggung istrinya hingga memar. Perbuatan tersebut telah dilakukan saat sang suami meminta surat pernyataan cerai dan surat utang-piutang di Jalan Gereja, Cilandak, Jakarta Selatan.

Tidak terima dengan ulah suaminya tersebut, korban Nurul Nia yang berusia 34 tahun , telah melaporkan kasus yang menimpanya ke Polres Jakarta Selatan, Kamis (13/2) kemarin sore.

Menurut Nurul, sekira pukul 22.00 malam , suaminya Sasongko yang berusia 35 tahun , telah meminta surat pernyataan cerai dan surat utang-piutang. Ia pun telah bersiap mengambil surat yang diminta suaminya. Namun, sang suami tidak sabar dan langsung menghajar istrinya dari belakang.

Kasubag Humas Polres Jakarta Selatan, Kompol Aswin juga menyatakan, petugas juga masih harus mengembangkan kasus ini. “Sedang kami proses,” katanya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Minimnya sistem deteksi dan sterilisasi di pintu-pintu masuk menuju wilayah Indonesia menyebabkan negeri ini rentan terhadap serangan virus, termasuk virus H7N9 yang saat ini menginfeksi ratusan orang di China atau virus baru corona di Arab Saudi.

Saco-Indonesia.com — Minimnya sistem deteksi dan sterilisasi di pintu-pintu masuk menuju wilayah Indonesia menyebabkan negeri ini rentan terhadap serangan virus, termasuk virus H7N9 yang saat ini menginfeksi ratusan orang di China atau virus baru corona di Arab Saudi.

Masuknya virus H7N9 ke Indonesia hanya masalah waktu mengingat intensitas kegiatan China dengan Indonesia sangat sering. Kegiatan perdagangan, pariwisata, atau lainnya bisa berfungsi sebagai ”pembawa” virus ini.  

Menurut Dr CA Nidom, pakar biologi molekuler bidang avian influenza dari Universitas Airlangga Surabaya, seharusnya di tiap bandara atau pelabuhan tersedia sistem sterilisasi atau disinfektan untuk barang dan orang.

Diperlukan pula pintu masuk terpisah untuk pesawat dari dan ke China. Sesorang yang baru pulang dari China sebaiknya juga tidak langsung berada di sekitar hewan yang peka virus influenza seperti unggas, babi, dan kucing.

"Dengan sistem pengamanan ala laboratorium, setiap barang atau orang yang dicurigai sakit akan disterilisasi. Semua ini perlu dilakukan karena kita belum aman dari virus H7N9 atau virus baru corona," katanya dalam acara seminar Celebrating 60 Years DNA Discovery di Jakarta (4/6/2013).

Khusus untuk virus H7N9, menurutnya, belum diketahui apakah virus berasal dari wabah atau hasil seleksi. Virus ini juga melahirkan varian baru yang berbeda dengan sebelumnya sehingga vaksin tidak mungkin lagi dipakai karena jenis virusnya sudah berbeda.

"Yang lebih mengherankan virus H7N9 ditemukan dalam jumlah sedikit di negara endemik. Idealnya jumlah burung yang terkena virus lebih banyak dari manusia. karena itu kita harus lebih waspada," kata Nidom.

Masker dapat menjadi alat pertahanan terhadap serangan virus. Kain yang melindungi hidung dan mulut ini menutup dua akses virus masuk ke dalam tubuh.

"Bahkan pertahanan yang minimal saja tidak dianjurkan pemerintah. Sebaiknya bagi yang hendak ke Arab Saudi atau Asia timur gunakan masker untuk perlindungan," kata Nidom.

Seperti yang diketahui, saat ini Arab Saudi dan Eropa sedang dalam ancaman novel virus sebagai penyebab corona. Adapun Asia timur belum lepas dari cengkraman virus flu burung.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Dalam kunjungan kerja selama tiga hari kemarin, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) juga sempat meninjau

saco-indonesia.com, Dalam kunjungan kerja selama tiga hari kemarin, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) juga sempat meninjau ke pabrik tahu dan toko di Sumedang, Jawa Barat. SBY telah menyebut ada persoalan suplai kedelai dan stabilitas harga.

"Saya juga telah melihat industri rakyat, usaha mikro kecil dan menengah, industri tahu Sumedang ya, ada persoalan kedelai baik suplai maupun stabilitas harganya dan secara umum apa yang harus negara lakukan untuk kembangkan UMKM," ujar SBY, sebelum membuka ratas, pagi ini, di Kantornya, Jumat (7/2).

SBY juga telah mengingatkan kembali ketika UMKM mengalami krisis dan bagaimana pemerintah bisa meminimalisir hal itu. SBY juga berpesan kepada kepala daerah, Gubernur untuk dapat mendorong usaha rakyat kecil dan menengah di daerahnya masing-masing.

"Dulu waktu kita alami krisis, ekonomi kita, usaha kecil menengah kita rontok, itu akan bisa meminimalisir dampaknya, sekarang Alhamdulillah investasi terus tumbuh, bukan hanya usaha besar tapi juga kecil dan menengah tumbuh baik," ujar SBY.

"Saya sampaikan gubernur agar usaha kecil dan menengah ini di dorong," ujarnya lagi.

Dalam kunjungan kerja, SBY beserta rombongan telah mengunjungi pabrik dan toko tahu Palasari di Jalan Mayor Abdurachman, Sumedang Utara, Jawa Barat. SBY juga sempat mencicipi tahu yang digoreng oleh Bu Ani Yudhoyono yang ikut meninjau dalam rombongan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

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The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

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Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

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The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”