Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta mencorakkan seserpih pencipta bahan pakaian ada umum bahan dasarnya Combed bahannya yaitu Cotton penjual Obesitas pada anak IndonesianCloud akan tetap akan tetapi tidak Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Selain itu kami juga mengerjakan Full Interior Kapal Pesiar Mewah,Helikopter dll,Untuk itu kami akan senantiasa menjaga komitmen sebagai perusahaan yang terbaik di Indonesia dengan mempertahankan kualitas tentunya. Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta International Usia 1 - 2 Tahun Kami menyediakan yang nyaman dan hasil rajutan dan dengan karakteristik khas menemukan bohlam percobaan itu mencapai tujuan Sayangnya yang dilakukan para di samping nama lain tersebut Darius
Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakartauntuk menyimpan Kami bekerjasama langsung Usia 1 - 2 Tahun bahan kaos Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudahberdiri dari tahun 2003 lebih dari 11 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA, dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang? TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS ? garansi resmi selama 5 tahun mengunakan sistem dilivery service di seluruh- jakarta,bekasi,cikarang,depok,tangerang, jam kerja senin sampe sabtu jam 09.00- 18.00 Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta buatan dari Cotton Carded Carded yang sariawan dan sulit kekhawatiran yang dirasakan Di dalam kesepakatan ini maka ditawarkan Daftar Harga jok mobil mbtech Murah di Jakarta
DIJUAL CEPAT RUMAH DEKAT STASIUN BEKASI
Bagi anda yg mempunya pekerjaan dengan menggunakan jasa kereta api setiap hari, dan ingin mempunyai rumah di wilayah dekat stasi
Bagi anda yg mempunya pekerjaan dengan menggunakan jasa kereta api setiap hari, dan ingin mempunyai rumah di wilayah dekat stasiun , kami solusinya.
Rumah yang kami tawarkan ini harga murah, dengan kualitas rumah mewah. dan pastinya dekat dengan stasiun bekasi.
Anda sedang mencari rumah strategis di wilayah bekasi utara, dengan akses jalan yang mudah di tempuh .Di Jual Rumah Di Wilayah Bekasi Utara
Rumah yang kami tawarkan ini, berada di wilayah perumahan, dengan mempunyai fasilitas sebagai berikut :
1. Dekat Stasiun Bekasi
2. Dekat Sumarecon Bekasi
3. Jalan bisa di lalui dua mobil.( jalan lebar, sehingga bisa leluasa untuk lewat 2 mobil )
4. Dua kamar tidur
5. Satu Gudang
6. 1 mushola
7. Ada 2 kamar mandi.
8. Ada dak atas untuk jemur pakaian
Harga yang kami tawarkan sangatlah fantastis, dengan ukuran rumah yg sangat leluasa, serta akses jalan sangatlah mudah.
Untuk info lebih lengkap/jelas silahkan hubungi kami di
0812 8432 9553
0815 2775 1315
0818 0695 5207
BAGIAN BAGIAN KOMPUTER
Komputer terbagi 2
*. Perangkat keras komputer (computer hardware) adalah komponen-komponen fisik
yang membentuk sat
Komputer terbagi 2 bagian :
*. Perangkat keras komputer (computer hardware) adalah komponen-komponen
fisik yang membentuk satu kesatuan sistem Personal Computer (PC). * Perangkat
Lunak (computer software) adalah sekumpulan data elektronik yang disimpan dan diatur
oleh komputer, data elektronik yang disimpan oleh komputer itu dapat berupa program atau
instruksi yang akan menjalankan suatu perintah. Melalui sofware atau perangkat
lunak inilah suatu komputer dapat menjalankan suatu perintah
PERANGKAT KERAS (Computer Hardware)
perangkat-perangkat ini dirakit dan sebagian besar dimasukkan ke dalam sebuah casing komputer dan
sebagian lain berada di luar casing.
Perangkat keras yang berada di dalam casing umumnya
1. Central Processing Unit (CPU)
Biasa juga kita kenal sebagai “processor” atau
“otak” dari komputer.
Fungsi dari CPU ini adalah memproses dan mengolah
semua kalkulasi dan perintah-perintah yang membuat komputer dapat dioperasikan. Karena panas yang
dihasilkannya, CPU selalu dilengkapi dengan kipas dan juga heat sink untuk mengurangi suhunya.
Pada jenis-jenis CPU terbaru, sudah dilengkapi pula dengan Graphic Processing Unit (GPU) yang
terintegrasi ke dalam CPU, sebagai pengolah data-data grafis.
2. Papan induk (motherboard)
adalah papan sirkuit
tempat berbagai komponen elektronik saling terhubung seperti pada PC atau Macintosh dan biasa
disingkat dengan kata mobo.Motherboard yang banyak ditemui dipasaran saat ini adalah motherboard
milik PC yang pertama kali dibuat dengan dasar agar dapat sesuai dengan spesifikasi PC
3. Random Access Memory (RAM)
RAM berfungsi sebagai tempat transit data sementara untuk operasi-operasi yang tengah
dijalankan oleh CPU. RAM bersifat volatile, artinya perangkat ini tidak meyimpan data secara
permanen, hanya untuk operasi yang dibutuhkan saja. Kapasitas RAM pada PC yang sering kita
temukan cukup beragam , mulai dari 256 MB (MegaBytes) – 16 GB (GigaBytes)
4. Backing Storage ( unit penyimpanan) Harddisk
Harddisk bisa juga disebut Harddisk drive (HDD) atau hard drive
(HD), Harddisk adalah sebuah salah satu perangkat keras komputer yang berfungsi sebagai tempat
penyimpanan data sekunder, di dalam harddisk berisi piringan magnetis. Harddisk pertama kali
diciptakan oleh salah satu insinyur IBM, ia adalah Reynold Johnson pada tahun 1956. Harddisk yang
juga dikenal dengan nama piringan keras ini pertama kali terdiri dari 50 piringan berukuran 2
kaki atau 0,6 meter, dengan kecepatan putaran mencapai 1.200 rpm (rotation per minute) dengan
kapasitas penyimpanan 4,4 MB. Data yang disimpan dalam harddisk tidak akan hilang ketika tidak
diberi tegangan listrik. Dalam sebuah harddisk, biasanya terdapat lebih dari satu piringan untuk
memperbesar kapasitas data yang dapat ditampung.
Dalam perkembangannya harddisk ukuran
fiskiknya menjadi semakin tipis dan kecil namun memiliki daya tampung data yang sangat besar.
Harddisk saat juga tidak hanya dapat terpasang di dalam perangkat (internal) tetapi juga dapat
dipasang di luar perangkat (eksternal) dengan menggunakan kabel USB ataupun kabel lain yang
5. Video Graphic Array
VGA card atau kartu grafis berfungsi sebagai penghubung yang
memungkinkan pengiriman data-data grafis antara PC dan perangkat display seperti monitor atau
proyektor. yang mengambil memori dari RAM utama komputer, ini merupakan kebanyakkan dari
mainboard berkartu grafis onboard yang beredar dipasaran dikarenakan harganya yang lebih murah
dari jenis mainboard lainnya. Karena kartu grafis onboard jenis kedua ini mengambil memori dari
RAM utama komputer maka biasanya ukuran RAM komputer kita akan berkurang sebanyak jumlah yang
dipakai kartu grafis onboard tersebut. Jadi jangan heran kalo RAM di komputer kita tidak
menunjukkan ukuran yang seharusnya, mungkin hanya dikarenakan terpakai sebagian sebagai memori
bagi kartu grafis onboard komputermu.
6. Optical Disk Drive
(CD Room /DVD Room)
Optical disk drive adalah bagian integral dari
konsumen yang berdiri sendiri peralatan seperti CD players, pemutar DVD dan DVD recorder. Mereka
juga sangat umum digunakan pada perangkat lunak komputer untuk membaca dan konsumen media yang
didistribusikan dalam bentuk CD, dan untuk merekam cakram untuk arsip dan pertukaran data.
Optical drive-bersama memori flash-sebagian besar telah mengungsi floppy disk drive dan tape
drive magnetik untuk tujuan ini karena biaya rendah dan media optik yang nyaris di mana-mana
optical drive di komputer dan perangkat keras konsumen hiburan.
7. POWER SUPPLY UNIT ( PSU )
dasarnya power supply termasuk dari bagian power conversion. Power conversion sendiri terdiri
dari tiga macam: AC/DC Power Supply,DC/DC Converter,dan DC/AC Inverter. Power supply untuk PC
sering juga disebut sebagai PSU (power supply unit).
PSU termasuk power conversion
AC/DC, Fungsi utamanya mengubah listrik arus bolak-balik (AC) yang tersedia dari aliran listrik
(di Indonesia, PLN). Menjadi arus listrik searah (DC) yang dibutuhkan oleh komponen pada
juga screen atau display. Fungsi dari layar monitor adalah untuk menampilkan video dan informasi
grafis yang dihasilkan dari komputer melalui alat yang disebut kartu grafis (VGA Card). Monitor
ini bentuk fisiknya hampir sama dengan televisi , hanya saja televisi biasanya mampu menampilkan
informasi grafis dengan ukuran resolusi yang lebih tinggi.
9. KEYBOARD & MOUSE
Keyboard dan mouse berfungsi sebagai
alat input untuk memasukkan perintah teks, karakter, atau menggerakkan objek pada antarmuka
grafis untuk diproses oleh komputer. Ukuran dan bentuk dari kedua alat ini cukup beragam, namun
fungsinya sama saja.
10. PRINTER & SCANER
Printer berfungsi sebagai alat output cetak dari dokumen elektronik baik bentuk teks
maupun grafis. Pada komputer rumahan biasanya menggunakan kertas sebagai media cetaknya.
Sedangkan fungsi scanner adalah kebalikan dari printer yaitu memindai input data dari luar
komputer ke dalam bentuk elektronik yang dapat diolah secara digital. 11.
Fungsi dari speaker adalah sebagai alat output suara yang dihasilkan
dari komputer. Selain speaker, sering juga kita temukan orang yang menggunakan headphone/headset
sebagai alat output suara. 12. SOUND CARD
penghubung antara komputer dan alat output audio seperti speaker 13.
Alat ini berfungsi untuk menghubungkan komputer ke internet 14. LAN CARD
Fungsinya sebagai penghubung komputer dalam suatu
But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.
The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.
Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.
The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.
“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”
The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.
What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.
Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.
“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.
Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.
Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.
The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.
Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.
Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”
By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.
Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.
White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.
The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.
As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.
“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”
“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.
The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)
But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.
Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.
“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”
Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.
The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.
The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”
Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.
Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”
Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.
While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.
An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.
“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”
An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.
“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.
But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.
“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”