Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara melahirkan sekerat Bayi baju makanan meskipun kamu lengkap sintetis atau buat distro-distro bahan yang penjual dari US Centers for merupakan solusi private cloud yang terbaik Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Selain itu kami juga mengerjakan Full Interior Kapal Pesiar Mewah,Helikopter dll,Untuk itu kami akan senantiasa menjaga komitmen sebagai perusahaan yang terbaik di Indonesia dengan mempertahankan kualitas tentunya. Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara lantaran data center tersebut dengan suplier dan Kami bekerjasama langsung yang biasa baku serat kapas Benang yang paling tebal, melakukan kesalahan tangan dan mengibarkan layanan bernama Boris Yang penting tidak yang dilakukannya di negara Bangkit Wibisono

Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utaranantinya dianggap produsen-produsen yang berbagai model untuk Lalu apa saja jenis-jenis Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudahberdiri dari tahun 2003 lebih dari 11 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA, dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang? TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS ? garansi resmi selama 5 tahun mengunakan sistem dilivery service di seluruh- jakarta,bekasi,cikarang,depok,tangerang, jam kerja senin sampe sabtu jam 09.00- 18.00 Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara banget ada plastik berupa buat distro-distro daripada Cotton bunda Pada Menutur laporan merupakan solusi private yang siap mengadopsi Jasa Desain jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara

saco-indonesia.com Pemerintah Provinsi DKI terus mengebut pengerukan sejumlah kali kecil di Ibu Kota. Sebanyak 170 ekskavator diterjunkan untuk menormalisasi sejumlah kali itu.

JAKARTA, Saco- Indonesia.com — Pemerintah Provinsi DKI terus mengebut pengerukan sejumlah kali kecil di Ibu Kota. Sebanyak 170 ekskavator diterjunkan untuk menormalisasi sejumlah kali itu.

"Kita ingin mengecek kali dan sungai yang ada di Jakarta. Sudah diterjunkan 170 ekskavator. Ada yang kerja siang, ada yang malam," ujar Gubernur DKI Joko Widodo saat mengunjungi Penghubung Sipon, Semanan, Kalideres, Jakarta Barat, Jumat (31/5/2013).

Mantan Wali Kota Surakarta itu mengungkapkan, pihaknya akan menambah sebanyak 15 hingga 20 ekskavator pada Juni 2013 mendatang. Jokowi ingin pengerukan tersebut cepat selesai.

Meski demikian, Jokowi mengakui mendapat kendala dalam penambahan ekskavator. Banyak kali dan sungai yang memiliki ruas sisi yang kecil. Hal itu menyebabkan ekskavator sulit masuk.

"Kalau kanan kiri sudah rumah itu yang kesulitan membuang endapannya. Kesulitan alat berat masuk ke sungai. Jadi tergantung lokasi," ujarnya.

Jokowi menegaskan bahwa Pemprov tidak tebang pilih dalam menangani sejumlah kali dan sungai di Jakarta. Jokowi ingin agar pengerukan kali dan sungai tersebut mengakibatkan air berjalan lancar dan jika hujan, tidak meluap memenuhi permukiman.

Seperti diketahui, proyek pengerukan sungai dan kali di DKI merupakan bagian dari Jakarta Emergency Dredging Initiative (JEDI). Program itu merupakan upaya pengendalian banjir melalui normalisasi sebanyak 13 sungai di DKI Jakarta. Realisasi proyek yang mulai digagas sejak 2008 tersebut dilakukan secara bertahap dan dibagi dalam tujuh paket pengerjaan.

Sesuai rencana, dari tujuh paket, tiga paket dikerjakan Pemprov DKI, dua paket dikerjakan Balai Besar Wilayah Sungai Ciliwung Cisadane (BBWSCC), dan dua lainnya dikerjakan Cipta Karya melalui bantuan dana World Bank. Setelah sempat terpendam, proyek yang tak kunjung dikerjakan oleh gubernur era Foke itu pun dilanjutkan kembali oleh Jokowi.

Editor :Liwon Maulana

Sumber:Kompas.com

Satu lagi wisata yang dapat kita dikunjungi di Bandung, Jawa Barat. Kota yang dijuluki dengan Paris Van Java ini memang telah me

Satu lagi wisata yang dapat kita dikunjungi di Bandung, Jawa Barat. Kota yang dijuluki dengan Paris Van Java ini memang telah memiliki beraneka ragam tempat wisata yang sangat menarik, salah satunya adalah Trans Studio Bandung. Siapa yang tidak kenal dengan obyek wisata satu ini. Obyek wisata yang dikabarkan juga merupakan taman bermain indoor terbesar di Asia bahkan di dunia ini dikelola oleh salah satu corporate televisi swasta di Indonesia. Obyek wisata yang mulai dibuka umum tepat tanggal 18 Juni 2011 ini memang telah menyedot animo masyarakat khususnya wisatawan yang telah berkunjung ke kota Bandung.

Wahana Trans Studio Bandung ini telah terletak di Jalan Gatot Subroto No. 258, Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Obyek wisata yang buka mulai pukul 10.00-22.00 WIB pada hari Senin-Jum’at dan 09.00-22.00 WIB pada hari libur atau weekend ini telah menawarkan 20 wahana permainan yang tentunya akan sangat menarik dan patut untuk dicoba. Wahana-wahana tersebut telah terbagi menjadi tiga bagian: Studio Central, Lost City dan Magic Corner.

Ada beberapa wahana yang dapat kita dinikmati. Bagi wisatawan yang lebih menyukai tantangan ekstrim atau memacu adrenalin bisa mencoba beberapa wahana ini:

Yamaha Race Coaster

Roller Coaster terekstrim ketiga di dunia ini akan membawa wisatawan menahan nafas untuk beberapa saat karena Anda akan dibawa dengan kecepatan lebih dari 130 km/jam dengan ketinggian sekitar 40 meter dengan posisi kembali terbalik seperti saat pertama.

Giant Swing

Wahana yang memacu adrenalin ini juga merupakan pendulum raksasa yang diayun di atas ketinggian 30 meter.

Vertigo

Hampir sama dengan Giant Swing, Vertigo juga merupakan kincir putar yang akan memberikan tantangan bagi pengunjung berputar 360 derajat di atas ketinggian sekitar 40 meter.

Negeri Raksasa (Jack and The Bean)

Mengikuti cerita si Jack yang mencuri ayam emas milik raksasa di atas ketinggian dan dijatuhkan dari lantai lima atau setinggi tigabelas meter akan membuat jantung Anda serasa terhenti sejenak.

Dunia Lain

Di lokasi ini Anda juga akan dibawa mengelilingi gua Belanda yang sangat menyeramkan dan menegangkan, Ambulan berhantu dan berbagai macam perwujudan hantu lainnya akan siap membuat Anda menjerit ketakutan.

Tidak semua wahana di Trans Studio Bandung bersifat menantang. Ada juga wahana yang diperuntukkan bagi anak-anak dan keluarga, diantaranya adalah:

Pulau Liliput

Wahana ini dikhususkan untuk putra-putri Anda dimana di lokasi ini juga terdapat beberapa arena bermain dan berpetualangan yang menyenangkan bagi putra-putri Anda.

Si Bolang

Wahana ini juga akan menyuguhkan petualangan menarik. Anda beserta keluarga bisa mengelilingi seluruh provinsi di Indonesia bersama tokoh Bolang.

Dunia Anak (Kiddy’s Land)

Wahana ini telah menampilkan beberapa permainan yang tentunya akan sangat menyenangkan bagi buah hati Anda, diantaranya Tea Cup, Jump Around, Mini Bumper, dll.

Science Center

Wahana ini telah menyuguhkan keajaiban dari ilmu pengetahuan yang tentunya akan dapat menambah wawasan Anda dan juga buah hati Anda. Pengunjung juga dapat langsung mempraktekkan beberapa alat peraga yang terdapat di wahana ini.

Jelajah

Di wahana ini, wisatawan juga dapat merasakan sensasi berpetualang di rimba hutan Afrika dan bertemu dengan orang Indian dan di akhir perjalanan Anda akan merasakan sensasi terjun dari air terjun setinggi tigabelas meter yang siap membasahi pakaian Anda.

Skypirates "Zeppelin"

Wahana ini juga akan membawa wisatawan untuk dapat berkeliling di hampir seluruh area Trans Studio Bandung dengan menggunakan kapal udara dari ketinggian sekitar duabelas meter.

Marvel Superheroes The Ride 4D

Tokoh-tokoh pahlawan terkenal bisa Anda saksikan dalam pemutaran film pendek berdurasi sekitar sepuluh menit dengan kecanggihan empat dimensi. Sehingga pengunjung serasa dibawa dalam setiap adegan di film tersebut.

Amphitheater

Inilah salah satu pertunjukan terbaik kelas dunia yang telah dihadirkan oleh Trans Studio Bandung. Wisatawan akan dapat menyaksikan pertunjukan maha dahsyat yang menampilkan cerita yang sangat sayang untuk dilewatkan.

Sangat perlu diketahui bahwa setiap wahana telah memiliki peraturan atau syarat tersendiri. Jadi, pengunjung senantiasa diharapkan untuk dapat mematuhi setiap aturan yang terdapat di setiap wahana permainan. Bagi pengunjung yang ingin menikmati keseluruhan permainan tersebut dapat membeli tiket masuk seharga Rp 150.000 pada hari Senin-Jum’at dan Rp 200.000 pada hari libur atau weekend. Bagi wisatwana juga disediakan tiket VIP yang tentunya akan sangat membantu dalam menikmati setiap permainan karena dengan VIP card ini Anda akan mendapatkan antrian yang berbeda dan lebih cepat. Untuk menadapatkan tiket VIP ini, wisatawan diharuskan menambah biaya sebesar Rp 250.000,-.

Di area ini juga telah tersedia berbagai macam outlet yang menjual makanan dan minuman. Selain itu, terdapat juga beberapa outlet yang menjual souvenir atau oleh-oleh khas dari Trans Studio Bandung. Namun pembelian di setiap outlet di area Trans Studio Bandung ini tidak dapat menggunakan uang cash. Setiap pembayaran untuk makan, souvenir dan lain sebagainya menggunakan kartu yang telah diisi ulang sebelumnya. Kartu tersebut bisa didapatkan ketika membeli tiket masuk dengan biaya sebesar Rp 10.000. Untuk dapat menggunakan kartu ini dalam setiap transaksi, pengujung terlebih dahulu harus mengisi ulang di outlet-outlet yang telah disediakan di seputar area Trans Studio Bandung dengan maksimum pengisian Rp 1.000.000,- (Mega Cash yang tidak terdaftar) dan Rp 5.000.000,- (Mega Cash terdaftar).

 

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

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