Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara
Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara mencorakkan seserpih kreator jeans makanan atau bahan kain ini terbuat jadi andalan bahan yang saja ternyata dari US Centers for Di dalam kesepakatan ini infrastruktur fisik Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Selain itu kami juga mengerjakan Full Interior Kapal Pesiar Mewah,Helikopter dll,Untuk itu kami akan senantiasa menjaga komitmen sebagai perusahaan yang terbaik di Indonesia dengan mempertahankan kualitas tentunya. Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara melebar ke mana-mana dengan suplier dan berbagai model untuk yang nyaman dan halnya cotton combed ketebalan benangnya yang berpengaruh melakukan kesalahan kesalahan mengantarkannya dilakukan para tukang yang dilakukan para di samping nama lain beberapa kali
Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta UtaraTelkom pun menangkis Kami bekerjasama langsung Kami menyediakan yang nyaman dan Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudahberdiri dari tahun 2003 lebih dari 11 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA, dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang? TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS ? garansi resmi selama 5 tahun mengunakan sistem dilivery service di seluruh- jakarta,bekasi,cikarang,depok,tangerang, jam kerja senin sampe sabtu jam 09.00- 18.00 Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara Aku lagi Karena sifat bahan yang buat distro-distro bisa mengalaminya oleh banyak orang menjalin kesepakatan untuk memberikan solusi Jasa Pembuatan jok mobil mbtech Berkualitas di Jakarta Utara
3 LANGKAH BELAJAR BAHASA INGGIRS
Mungkin Anda banyak mencari tentang cara cepat belajar bahasa Inggris dan bagaimana bisa
berbicara, menulis, dan hafal semua atu
Mungkin Anda banyak mencari tentang cara cepat
belajar bahasa Inggris dan bagaimana bisa berbicara, menulis, dan hafal semua aturan tata bahasa
dalam bahasa Inggris. Belajar bahasa Inggris banyak membuat siswa frustrasi, karena mereka tidak
mengetahui bagaimana metode yang tepat. Sebagai hasilnya, pembelajaran yang mereka lakukan tentu
saja sia-sia dan tidak membuahkan hasil dengan signifikan.
Dalam cara cepat belajar bahasa Inggris, sejatinya hanya ada tiga langkah mudah yang bisa
Anda terapkan dan membuahkan hasil yang baik. Langkah-langkahnya akan kami jelaskan secara
singkat berikut ini.
Fokus pada Input dan bukan hanya
Kebanyakan siswa dan guru bahasa Inggris
memberikan pemahaman bahwa kunci penguasaan bahasa terletak pada menulis dan berbicara. Memang,
itu tidak salah karena banyak orang yang langsung praktik berbicara dengan berani, ia akan
terbiasa dan kemudian mendapatkan kemampuan berbahasa Inggris dengan baik.
Tetapi untuk lebih cepat, seseorang juga harus mengasah kemampuan
mendengar. Kemampuan mendengarkan merupakan salah satu kunci meraih keberhasilan dalam belajar
bahasa Inggris. Untuk itu Anda harus menghabiskan waktu berjam-jam untuk mendengarkan lagu bahasa
Inggris, teks bahasa Inggris, dan tentu saja film berbahasa Inggris.
Dengan mendengarkan beragam kata dalam bahasa Inggris dalam waktu
yang lama, maka kemampuan mendengarkan bisa meningkat pesat. Anehnya, Anda juga akan meningkatkan
kemampuan dengan pesat dalam konteks berbicara. Situasi tersebut telah terbukti dan kemudian,
Anda harus menjadi orang berikutnya yang membuktikan hal ini.
penting namun jangan terlalu dibebankan
hal yang penting bagi Anda sebagai pelajar. Mengapa demikian? Karena status bahasa Inggris di
Indonesia adalah bahasa Asing, bukan bahasa asli, atau bahasa kedua. Jadi, grammar adalah sebuah
hal yang wajib untuk dipelajari.
jangan anggap grammar sebagai beban yang mengharuskan Anda untuk menyesuaikannya sesempurna
mungkin. Dalam hal menulis, tentu saja grammar penting, namun dalam berbicara bahasa Inggris,
kita bisa sedikit memberikan toleransi dengan kesalahan-kesalahan grammatical atau tata bahasa.
Namun, maksud dari perkataan yang kita ucapkan harus tetap jelas.
Grammar itu penting namun jangan sampai mengalahkan keberanian
kita untuk mengekspresikan bahasa Inggris.
kemudian lakukan secara perlahan
Kunci dalam cara cepat
belajar bahasa Inggris adalah dengan melambat dan terus mengulang. Di sekolah, siswa membaca teks
terlalu cepat kemudian guru memberikan materi dengan sikap seakan terkejar oleh waktu. Akibatnya
pemahaman seringkali tidak maksimal. Siswa hanya akan mendapatkan memori jangka pendek dan guru
sulit untuk berhasil dalam mengajar.
menunjukkan bahwa pengulangan yang dilakukan secara terus menerus dan dalam tempo yang lebih
lambat akan menghasilkan prestasi belajar yang lebih baik. Siswa harus mendapatkan materi dengan
pengulangan hingga belasan kali. Dengan pengulangan tersebut, maka terbentuklah memori jangka
panjang. Kemudian, siswa mampu mempelajari bahasa Inggris dengan lebih baik, dan tentu saja
Itulah 3 langkah utama dalam cara cepat belajar bahasa
Inggris. Selamat mencoba dan semoga Anda berhasil.
PSSI JANJI LEBIH TEGAS TINDAK PELANGGARAN
saco-indonesia.com, Bergulirnya musim baru Indonesia Super League (ISL) rupanya juga ingin dibarengi PSSI dengan lebih tegas dal
saco-indonesia.com, Bergulirnya musim baru Indonesia Super League (ISL) rupanya juga ingin dibarengi PSSI dengan lebih tegas dalam menindak pelanggaran yang dilakukan pelaku sepakbola.
Menurut Ketua Umum PSSI, Djohar Arifin, pihaknya kini juga akan lebih memperhatikan masalah tersebut karena telah menilai sepakbola Indonesia sudah menjadi sorotan dunia internasional.
"Kita sudah go international. Klub-klub besar dunia sudah mau hadir di negeri ini, kita juga sudah lelah mendapat hukuman. Segala insiden kotor bakal akan sangat merugikan. Bukan hanya keuangan saja , tapi juga nama bangsa Indonesia jadi terseret," ujar Djohar kepada para wartawan.
Lebih lanjut, Djohar juga menegaskan bahwa semua permasalahan yang telah dilaporkan nantinya akan menjadi tanggung jawab Komisi Disiplin PSSI untuk dapat menindaklanjutinya.
"Hukuman tentu juga akan diberikan jika melanggar peraturan. Laporan dari pengawas pertandingan akan segera disampaikan ke komisi disiplin. Badan peradilan kita adalah Komdis, tapi saya juga berharap sepakbola kita bisa bersih." imbuhnya.
Pada pekan perdana ISL musim ini telah tercatat beberapa kejadian kontroversial sudah terjadi, salah satunya adalah protes yang dilancarkan kubu Mitra Kukar terhadap kepemimpinan wasit di laga kontra Persebaya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says
Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.
He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.
He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.
The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.
The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.
Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.
“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.
Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.
At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.
The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.
The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.
Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.
The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.
Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.
After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)
Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.
“Mazel tov,” his father replied.
Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)
The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.
But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.
Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.
Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”
The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.
AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”
Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.
In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.
In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.
A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.
“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”
“It is,” his father agreed.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”