Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford membentuk secuil toko jeans ini tidak karna pengen untuk produk lebih halus Untuk Cotton saja ternyata penyakit jantung serta kanker merupakan solusi private akan tetapi tidak Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford Telekomunikasi Indonesia distributor aneka Kami bekerjasama langsung memiliki karakteristik berlainan hasil rajutan dan penampilan Memiliki daya tahan terhadap tingkat percobaan dan semuanya gagal mungkin ketika mencapai tujuan Sayangnya tukang ojek pangkalan tetangga itu apa sekadar tersebut Darius

Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Fordnantinya dianggap Usia 1 - 2 Tahun Kami menyediakan memiliki karakteristik berlainan Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudahberdiri dari tahun 2003 lebih dari 11 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA, dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang? TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS ? garansi resmi selama 5 tahun mengunakan sistem dilivery service di seluruh- jakarta,bekasi,cikarang,depok,tangerang, jam kerja senin sampe sabtu jam 09.00- 18.00 Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford kamu lengkap untuk produk Combed serta daripada Cotton orang dewasa cloud yang melayani berbagai masih bisa dijangkau Jual Jok Kulit CHRONOS Mobil Ford

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Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Banyak sekali pengemudi mobil yang telah melengkapi mobil Toyotanya dengan lampu HID agar lebih terang maupun enak dipandang mat

Banyak sekali pengemudi mobil yang telah melengkapi mobil Toyotanya dengan lampu HID agar lebih terang maupun enak dipandang mata karena sorot cahayanya yang berwarna putih. Dan masih banyak juga yang masih binggung ataupun bimbang di dalam memilih HID yang tepat untuk mobilnya. Kali ini, kita akan membahas lebih dalam tentang bohlam HID beserta kelebihan dan kekurangan lampu HID itu sendiri agar tidak terjebak maupun ragu-ragu ketika memutuskan untuk menggunakan bohlam HID sebagai pilihan utama untuk penyinaran mobilnya.

Pengertian Lampu HID

HID sendiri telah memiliki kepanjangan, yaitu High Intensity Discharge atau yang lebih dikenal dengan lampu Xenon yang mampu untuk menghasilkan cahaya dengan tingkat intensitas yang tinggi alias lebih terang. Untuk tingkat keterangan warna dari lampu HID ditentukan oleh satuan derajat Kelvin (K) dan untuk menyalakan lampu HID diperlukan ballast, yang juga merupakan alat untuk menyediakan dan mengendalikan voltase lampu termasuk juga untuk dapat menstabilkan aliran listrik pada mobil.

Saat ini, sudah sangat banyak sekali lampu HID dengan berbagai merk atau tipe dengan kualitas yang berbeda-beda, produksi dan tentu saja berbeda harga. Karena banyak merk dan kualitas serta janji-janji yang telah ditawarkan, kita juga harus jeli di dalam memilih lampu HID untuk diaplikasikan pada kendaraan kita.

Untuk jenis atau tipe lampu HID yang beredar dipasaran, umumnya telah terdiri dari lampu-lampu model H1,H3,H4,H7,H8,H11,HB3,HB4. Yang telah membedakan antara kode H tersebut adalah pada kedudukan bohlamnya di headlamp mobil kita, sedangkan untuk ballast dapat dikatakan sama semuanya bentuknya (Ingat, sama bentuk belum tentu sama kualitasnya) Model yang paling umum beredar di Indonesia adalah tipe H4 dimana antara lampu jauh dengan lampu dekat menjadi satu.

Warna Cahaya Lampu HID

Lampu HID telah memiliki beberapa tingkatan warna yang dihasilkan berdasarkan perbedaan Kelvin, dan berikut ini adalah daftar warna Lampu HID yang terdapat di pasaran :

    3.500 K mengeluarkan warna Kuning seperti bohlam lampu standart mobil

    4.300 K / 5.000 K mengeluarkan warna putih kekuning-kuning an

    6.000 K / 6.500 K mengeluarkan warna Putih

    8.000 K/ 8.500 K mengeluarkan warna Putih kebiru-biru an

    10.000 K mengeluarkan warna Biru agak keungu-ungu an

    12.700 K mengeluarkan warna Ungu

    15.000 K mengeluarkan warna Pink

Warna lampu HID mobil

Warna Lampu HID

Dari daftar warna di atas, kita juga dapat mengetahui bahwa semakin tinggi Kelvin maka akan mengalami gradasi warna menuju kebiru-biruan ataupun ungu. Hal yang paling penting untuk diingat adalah ketika pemasangan lampu HID selalu pastikan bahwa lampu yang terpasang adalah dengan ukuran 35 watt, jangan memasang yang 50 watt (tidak compatible) karena akan membuat mika head lamp menjadi cepat kuning akibat panas yang berlebihan.

Kelebihan dan Kelemahan lampu HID

Apabila membahas penggunaan lampu HID, maka kelebihan yang telah ditawarkan dari lampu ini (menurut saya) adalah gaya. Tentu sangat enak dilihat ketika melihat cahaya lampu putih yang keluar dari head lamp mobil TETAPI hal ini seringkali menyengsarakan saya sebagai pengemudi ketika di depan mobil yang menggunakan lampu HID.

Pilihan yang paling tepat di dalam menggunakan lampu HID adalah yang 4.300 K, dimana Toyota Fortuner, Alphard maupun mobil premium Toyota lainnya juga sudah menggunakan lampu HID sebagai standart bawaan mobil. Dan batas tolerir yang masih saya anggap menguntungkan adalah pemakaian lampu HID 5.000 / 5.300 K, dimana cahaya yang dikeluarkan masih putih kekuning-kuningan.

Kelemahan lampu HID juga sangat terlihat untuk lampu HID diatas 5.300 Kelvin tentu saja lampu HID yang dipasang lebih diperuntukan untuk mobil-mobil show off ataupun pameran karena cahaya lampu yang dihasilkan tidak dapat menembus hujan maupun kabut. Hal ini tentu saja telah menyusahkan pengemudi yang memiliki mobilitas tinggi di luar-luar daerah. Dari segi fungsional, lampu-lampu HID yang berada di atas 5.300 K seringkali membuat pengemudi mengeluhkan bahwa sorot cahaya lampunya sama sekali tidak membantu di tengah malam berkabut ataupun hujan sekalipun, dan hal ini juga sangat membahayakan kita sebagai pengendara mobil.

Pertanyaan yang paling sering diajukan kepada saya adalah, " Merk apa yang bagus untuk lampu HID ?"

Jujur, penilaian yang bisa saya berikan tentu saja, "ada harga tentu ada kualitas."Setelah mencoba-coba berbagai macam HID dan mencari fakta tentang lampu HID yang beredar di pasaran, ternyata hampir sebagian besar HID adalah produk China dengan embel-embel lisensi negara-negara maju seperti german, usa, dll.

Yang telah membedakan produk mahal dan murah adalah kualitas ballast dan kualitas bohlam lampu HID itu sendiri. Produk yang terlampau murah seringkali ballast cepat mengalami kerusakan sehingga lampu HID mati dalam waktu dekat, memang semua HID rata-rata telah memberikan garansi tetapi bila mengalami mati lampu di malam hari dan harus bolak balik untuk klaim pemasangan, bukankah itu merepotkan ? Kualitas bohlam juga mempengaruhi karena seringkali lampu HID berubah derajat Kelvin nya setelah pemakaian dalam beberapa bulan sehingga cahaya yang dikeluarkan oleh lampu HID menjadi tidak sama dengan pemasangan pertama kali.

Setelah membahas kelemahan dan kelebihan lampu HID, semoga teman-teman sekalian tidak merasa kebinggungan di dalam menentukan apakah perlu menggunakan HID atau tidak, dan lampu HID apa yang sebaiknya digunakan di mobil toyota kesayangannya. Sebenarnya pemasangan aksesoris pada mobil baru yang kita miliki menyebabkan beberapa kekurangan yang mungkin saja dapat berakibat fatal. (baca : kekurangan aksesoris mobil baru)

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

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