Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat
Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat okelah sebelah industri sutera ini aku Aku lagi hasil minyak cari Bahan ini Menjaga kebersihan dari US Centers for merupakan solusi private Cloud Computing ditanggapi Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Selain itu kami juga mengerjakan Full Interior Kapal Pesiar Mewah,Helikopter dll,Untuk itu kami akan senantiasa menjaga komitmen sebagai perusahaan yang terbaik di Indonesia dengan mempertahankan kualitas tentunya. Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat nantinya dianggap Baju Bayidengan produsen-produsen yang Semberani Rent daya tahan terhadap Selain bahan baku pembuatan percobaan dan semuanya gagal Setiap kali mengetahui suatu keras dari tukang untuk tidak menggubrisnya di samping nama lain selalu bisa dihubungi lewat telepon
Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Baratuntuk menyimpan produksi Bandung Bayi Baru Lahir memiliki karakteristik berlainan Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudahberdiri dari tahun 2003 lebih dari 11 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA, dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang? TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS ? garansi resmi selama 5 tahun mengunakan sistem dilivery service di seluruh- jakarta,bekasi,cikarang,depok,tangerang, jam kerja senin sampe sabtu jam 09.00- 18.00 Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat memasarkan berupa serat Combed serta ada 2 gigi anak cloud yang melayani berbagai pelanggan karena berada Jual jok mobil mbtech Untuk Semua Jenis Kendaraan di Jakarta Barat
China Desak Malaysia Tingkatkan Pencarian Pesawat Hilang
Pemerintah China mendesak Malaysia untuk lebih meningkatkan upaya pencarian pesawat Malaysia Airlines yang hilang pada Sabtu dini hari
BEIJING, SACO-INDONESIA.COM - Pemerintah China mendesak Malaysia untuk lebih meningkatkan upaya pencarian pesawat Malaysia Airlines yang hilang pada Sabtu dini hari (8/3/2014).
Desakan disampaikan setelah pesawat dengan nomor penerbangan MH370 yang terbang dari Kuala Lumpur ke Beijing yang antara lain mengangkut banyak penumpang warga China hingga kini belum ditemukan jejaknya.
“Kami mempunyai tanggung jawab untuk menuntut dan mendesak pihak Malaysia untuk menggalakan upaya pencarian, memulai penyelidikan secepat mungkin dan memberikan informasi yang benar dan cepat kepada China,” kata juru bicara Kementerian Luar Negeri China Qin Gang.
Wartawan BBC di Beijing, Celia Hatton, melaporkan sejumlah keluarga penumpang warga China tampak kehilangan kesabaran.
Atas keadaan itu, pihak berwenang Malaysia kembali berjanji akan menerbangkan anggota keluarga ke Kuala Lumpur agar lebih dekat dengan pusat operasi pencarian.
Namun seorang anggota keluarga penumpang, Guo Qishun, yang menantunya berada di pesawat MH370 tersebut, mengatakan tidak ada manfaatnya untuk terbang ke Malaysia.
"Bila kami pergi ke Malaysia, kami tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa kecuali menanti, seperti apa yang kami lakukan di Beijing sekarang. Bila kami pergi ke Malaysia, siapa yang bisa kami jadikan tumpuan? Sebagian besar dari kami tidak bisa berbahasa Inggris," katanya seperti dikutip kantor berita AP.
Malaysia mengatakan wilayah pencarian sekarang telah diperluas, setelah pencarian sejauh ini belum menemukan jejak apa pun baik pesawat maupun 239 penumpangnya.
Regu pencari dan penyelamat dari sembilan negara sekarang menyisir kawasan mulai dari Semenanjung Malaka hingga Laut China Selatan.
Editor : Maulana Lee
Sumber : BBC Indonesia/Kompas.com
URUTAN MELAKUKAN IBADAH UMROH
Urutan kegiatan dalam Ibadah Haji dan Umroh
Dalam kegiatan dan pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji, terdapat uruta
Urutan kegiatan dalam Ibadah Haji dan Umroh
Dalam kegiatan dan pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji, terdapat urutan rukun dan wajib Haji yang harus dilaksanakan oleh stiap jamaah Haji. urutan kegiatan tersebut sebagai berikut :
Sebelum tanggal 8 Dzulhijjah, calon jamaah haji mulai berbondong untuk dapat melaksanakan Tawaf Haji di Masjid Al Haram, Makkah.
Calon jamaah haji harus memakai pakaian Ihram (dua lembar kain tanpa jahitan sebagai pakaian haji), sesuai miqatnya, kemudian berniat haji, dan membaca bacaan Talbiyah, yaitu dengan mengucapkan Labbaikallahumma labbaik labbaika laa syarika laka labbaik. Innal hamda wan ni’mata laka wal mulk laa syarika laka..
Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah, pagi harinya semua calon jamaah haji menuju ke padang Arafah untuk dapat menjalankan ibadah wukuf. Kemudian jamaah telah melaksanakan ibadah Wukuf, yaitu berdiam diri dan berdoa di padang Arafah hingga Maghrib datang.
Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah malam, jamaah menuju ke Muzdalifah untuk mabbit (bermalam) dan mengambil batu untuk melontar jumroh secukupnya.
Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah tengah malam (setelah mabbit) jamaah harus meneruskan perjalanan ke Mina untuk dapat melaksanakan ibadah melontar Jumroh
Tanggal 10 Dzulhijjah, jamaah melaksanakan ibadah melempar Jumroh sebanyak tujuh kali ke Jumroh Aqobah sebagai simbolisasi mengusir setan. Dilanjutkan dengan tahalul yaitu mencukur rambut atau sebagian rambut.
Jika jamaah mengambil nafar awal maka dapat dilanjutkan perjalanan ke Masjidil Haram untuk Tawaf Haji (menyelesaikan Haji)
Sedangkan jika mengambil nafar akhir jamaah tetap tinggal di Mina dan dilanjutkan dengan melontar jumroh sambungan (Ula dan Wustha).
Tanggal 11 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.
Tanggal 12 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.
Jamaah haji kembali ke Makkah untuk dapat melaksanakan Thawaf Wada’ (Thawaf perpisahan) sebelum pulang ke negara masing-masing
Demikian Urutan kegiatan Ibadah Haji Umrah yang dapat kami jelaskan, smoga bermanfaat.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”