Paket jok mobil mbtech Murah di Tangerang Selatan mewujudkan seserpih distributor fashion motif tidak membuat dibuat bahan jadi andalan ada 2 anak-anak juga Hal tersebut biasa menjangkiti akan tetapi tidak Paket jok mobil mbtech Murah di Tangerang Selatan CLASSIC adalah Workshop Jok Kulit yang sudah lebih dari 10 Tahun bergerak di bidang Modifikasi Interior Mobil, dan menjadi salah satu Workshop Interior Mobil Terbaik di INDONESIA , dengan tenaga ahli /Professional kami menjamin kualitas hasil pengerjaan, karena kami menjunjung tinggi nilai kejujuran, profesional dan ramah dalam pelayanan, dengan nilai-nilai tersebut CLASSIC dapat berkembang dari tahun ke tahun seperti sekarang ini menjadi Workshop Pusat Jok Kulit yang TERPERCAYA KARENA KUALITAS Hingga Saat ini sudah beragam jenis model yang telah kami produksi, yang telah tersebar diseluruh Jakarta, Bogor,Tangerang dan Bekasi, (Jabodetabek) bahkan sampai ke Kota-kota besar di Indonesia Seperti Bandung,Semarang,Surabaya, Palangkaraya,Lampung, Palembang dll. Selain itu kami juga mengerjakan Full Interior Kapal Pesiar Mewah,Helikopter dll,Untuk itu kami akan senantiasa menjaga komitmen sebagai perusahaan yang terbaik di Indonesia dengan mempertahankan kualitas tentunya. Paket jok mobil mbtech Murah di Tangerang Selatan oleh anak usahanya dengan suplier dan dengan suplier dan kaos yang nyaman untuk aktifitas penampilan lebih rata digunakan untuk membuat kain adalah Tetapi 1.500 kesalahan Tetapi Edison nggak Kehadiran ojek digital 22 tahun ini seperti Mark Zuckerberg dewan direksi portal

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saco-indonesia.com, Stetoskop atau stethoscope adalah alat kedokteran yang paling sering dikaitkan dengan profesi seorang dokter

saco-indonesia.com, Stetoskop atau stethoscope adalah alat kedokteran yang paling sering dikaitkan dengan profesi seorang dokter bahkan sepertinya juga sudah merupakan simbol seorang dokter. Rasanya juga belum sah bila seorang dokter tidak memiliki alat ini. Tidak heran kalau seorang dokter spesialis radiologi ataupun dokter ahli laboratorium klinik yang jarang sekali harus perlu melakukan pemeriksaan fisik terhadap pasiennya secara langsungpun telah memiliki setoskop. Stetoskop telah berasal dari kata Yunani stetos yang artinya dada dan skopein yang artinya memeriksa. Alat kedokteran ini juga merupakan media untuk dapat menyampaikan suara-suara di dalam tubuh seorang pasien kepada telinga dokter yang telah memeriksanya. Fungsi dari stetoskop ini adalah untuk dapat mendengarkan detak jantung, suara usus, dan lain sebagainya. Dengan kemampuannya ini, Stetoskop juga dapat digunakan pula untuk dapat mengetahui kerja paru-paru dan juga untuk dapat mengukur tekanan darah dengan mendengarkan denyut nadi. b. Endoscopy Endoscopy merupakan alat untuk dapat meneropong organ-organ dalam tubuh manusia tanpa sayatan atau dengan sayatan kulit minimal. Salah satu fungsinya adalah untuk dapat mengetahui kelainan yang telah terjadi pada alat-alat pencernaan bagian atas dan juga tenggorokan. Pemeriksaan / tindakan pengobatan didalam saluran pencernaan yang dengan menggunakan peralatan yang berupa teropong (Endoscop) Keunggulannya antara lain : Dapat melihat dengan jelas lokasi dan jenis kelainan dalam rongga saluran cerna Tindakan pengobatan dengan resikonya jauh lebih ringan daripada tindakan operasi. Dapat menggantikan fungsi tindakan operasi, lebih nyaman, biaya lebih murah dan efisien. Hasil pemeriksaan dapat langsung dicetak. c. Colonoscopy Colonoscopy adalah alat kedokteran yang fungsinya untuk dapat mengetahui kondisi saluran pencernaan bagian bawah. Bagian tersebut dimulai dari rectum, anus sampai dengan usus pada bagian bawah. d. Tensimeter Alat kedokteran ini telah dipergunakan untuk dapat mengukur tensi atau tekanan darah. Dipergunakan untuk proses pemeriksaan pasien hipertensi, anemia, dan lain sebagainya. Ada dua jenis tensimeter yaitu tensimeter air raksa dan tensimeter digital. Tensimeter air raksa di luar negeri saat ini juga sudah dilarang untuk digunakan lagi karena bahaya dari air raksanya jika tensimeter tersebut pecah. Tensimeter digital sendiri lebih canggih dan praktis dipergunakan, namun harganya memang lebih mahal jika dibandingkan dengan yang konvensional. e. Termometer Termometer adalah alat kedokteran yang telah dipergunakan untuk dapat mengukur suhu tubuh. Ada dua jenis termometer yaitu termometer raksa dan digital. Perbedaannya telah terletak pada alat pengukurnya. Termometer telah berasal dari bahasa Yunani yaitu Thermos yang berarti panas dan meter yang berarti mengukur. Jadi termometer adalah suatu alat yang digunakan untuk dapat mengukur tinggi rendahnya suhu suatu benda. Untuk termometer digital, jika suhu tubuh sudah di dapat maka alat tersebut akan dapat mengeluarkan bunyi dengan sendirinya sedangkan termometer raksa sendiri deteksinya memakan waktu yang lama, sehingga kurang efisien untuk dipergunakan. Ini salah satu alat yang wajib dimiliki dan tersimpan di kotak P3K Anda. f. CT-Scan CT- singkatan dari Computed Temography sedangkan Scan adalah foto. Sehingga fungsi dari alat ini tiada lain adalah untuk dapat menghasilkan foto bagian-bagian dalam dari tubuh dengan lebih lengkap dan akurat. Hal ini dikarenakan foto yang dihasilkan dari CT-Scan ini juga merupakan foto (gambar) bagian dalam tubuh berupa irisan. g. X-Ray Orang lebih mengenal alat kedokteran ini dengan sebutan Rontgen. Alat ini telah dipergunakan untuk dapat mengetahui bagian dalam khususnya paru-paru. X-ray menjalankan fungsi kerjanya dengan penggunaan sinar radiasi. h. Laparoscopy Alat kedokteran ini adalah alat yang berfungsi untuk pembersihan darah. Selain itu, laparoscopy juga dipergunakan untuk dapat melakukan inseminasi. i. Alat Cek Darah Alat cek darah biasanya telah memiliki tiga fungsi dalam satu alat. Selain untuk dapat mengecek kadar gula darah, juga dapat digunakan untuk dapat mengecek asam urat dan kolesterol dalam darah. Dipergunakan pada pemeriksaan penyakit kolesterol, asam urat, diabetes, dan lain sebagainya. j. Ultrasonography (USG) USG adalah suatu alat dalam dunia kedokteran yang telah memanfaatkan gelombang ultrasonik, yaitu gelombang suara yang telah memiliki frekuensi yang tinggi (250 kHz – 2000 kHz) yang kemudian hasilnya ditampilkan dalam layar monitor. Pada awalnya penemuan alat USG diawali dengan penemuan gelombang ultrasonik kemudian bertahun-tahun setelah itu, tepatnya sekira tahun 1920-an, prinsip kerja gelombang ultrasonik mulai diterapkan dalam bidang kedokteran. Penggunaan ultrasonik dalam bidang kedokteran ini pertama kali diaplikasikan untuk kepentingan terapi bukan untuk dapat mendiagnosis suatu penyakit. USG sering dipergunakan untuk dapat melihat perkembangan janin dalam tubuh ibu hamil, untuk dapat mengecek adanya penyakit lain dalam tubuh seperti kanker, miom, dan lain sebagainya. k. Elektrokardiografi (ECG) Elektrokardiografi adalah alat kedokteran yang fungsinya untuk dapat merekam aktivitas elektro atau kelistrikan yang telah terjadi di dalam jantung. Hasilnya juga dapat terlihat pada elektrodiagram. Biasanya telah dipergunakan pada penyakit-penyakit yang berkaitan dengan fungsi dari jantung. Elektrokardiogram (EKG) adalah grafik yang dibuat oleh sebuah elektrokardiograf, yang merekam aktivitas kelistrikan jantung dalam waktu tertentu. Namanya terdiri atas sejumlah bagian yang berbeda: elektro, karena berkaitan dengan elektronika, kardio, kata Yunani untuk jantung, gram, sebuah akar Yunani yang berarti "menulis". Analisis sejumlah gelombang dan vektor normal depolarisasi dan repolarisasi menghasilkan informasi diagnostik yang penting. Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Komputer terbagi 2 bagian : *. Perangkat keras komputer (computer hardware) adalah komponen-komponen fisik yang membentuk sat

Komputer terbagi 2 bagian :
*. Perangkat keras komputer (computer hardware) adalah komponen-komponen fisik yang membentuk satu kesatuan sistem Personal Computer (PC).
* Perangkat Lunak (computer software) adalah sekumpulan data elektronik yang disimpan dan diatur oleh komputer, data elektronik yang disimpan oleh komputer itu dapat berupa program atau instruksi yang akan menjalankan suatu perintah. Melalui sofware atau perangkat lunak inilah suatu komputer dapat menjalankan suatu perintah
 
PERANGKAT KERAS (Computer Hardware)
Biasanya perangkat-perangkat ini dirakit dan sebagian besar dimasukkan ke dalam sebuah casing komputer dan sebagian lain berada di luar casing.
Perangkat keras yang berada di dalam casing umumnya terdiri dari:
1. Central Processing Unit (CPU)  
Biasa juga kita kenal sebagai “processor” atau “otak” dari komputer.
Fungsi dari CPU ini adalah memproses dan mengolah semua kalkulasi dan perintah-perintah yang membuat komputer dapat dioperasikan. Karena panas yang dihasilkannya, CPU selalu dilengkapi dengan kipas dan juga heat sink untuk mengurangi suhunya. Pada jenis-jenis CPU terbaru, sudah dilengkapi pula dengan Graphic Processing Unit (GPU) yang terintegrasi ke dalam CPU, sebagai pengolah data-data grafis.

2. Papan induk (motherboard)
adalah papan sirkuit tempat berbagai komponen elektronik saling terhubung seperti pada PC atau Macintosh dan biasa disingkat dengan kata mobo.Motherboard yang banyak ditemui dipasaran saat ini adalah motherboard milik PC yang pertama kali dibuat dengan dasar agar dapat sesuai dengan spesifikasi PC IBM.
3. Random Access Memory (RAM) 
RAM berfungsi sebagai tempat transit data sementara untuk operasi-operasi yang tengah dijalankan oleh CPU. RAM bersifat volatile, artinya perangkat ini tidak meyimpan data secara permanen, hanya untuk operasi yang dibutuhkan saja. Kapasitas RAM pada PC yang sering kita temukan cukup beragam , mulai dari 256 MB (MegaBytes) – 16 GB (GigaBytes)
4. Backing Storage ( unit penyimpanan)
Harddisk Drive (HDD)
Harddisk bisa juga disebut Harddisk drive (HDD) atau hard drive (HD), Harddisk adalah sebuah salah satu perangkat keras komputer yang berfungsi sebagai tempat penyimpanan data sekunder, di dalam harddisk berisi piringan magnetis. Harddisk pertama kali diciptakan oleh salah satu insinyur IBM, ia adalah Reynold Johnson pada tahun 1956. Harddisk yang juga dikenal dengan nama piringan keras ini pertama kali terdiri dari 50 piringan berukuran 2 kaki atau 0,6 meter, dengan kecepatan putaran mencapai 1.200 rpm (rotation per minute) dengan kapasitas penyimpanan 4,4 MB. Data yang disimpan dalam harddisk tidak akan hilang ketika tidak diberi tegangan listrik. Dalam sebuah harddisk, biasanya terdapat lebih dari satu piringan untuk memperbesar kapasitas data yang dapat ditampung.
Dalam perkembangannya harddisk ukuran fiskiknya menjadi semakin tipis dan kecil namun memiliki daya tampung data yang sangat besar. Harddisk saat juga tidak hanya dapat terpasang di dalam perangkat (internal) tetapi juga dapat dipasang di luar perangkat (eksternal) dengan menggunakan kabel USB ataupun kabel lain yang mendukung. 
5. Video Graphic Array (VGA)
VGA card atau kartu grafis berfungsi sebagai penghubung yang memungkinkan pengiriman data-data grafis antara PC dan perangkat display seperti monitor atau proyektor. yang mengambil memori dari RAM utama komputer, ini merupakan kebanyakkan dari mainboard berkartu grafis onboard yang beredar dipasaran dikarenakan harganya yang lebih murah dari jenis mainboard lainnya. Karena kartu grafis onboard jenis kedua ini mengambil memori dari RAM utama komputer maka biasanya ukuran RAM komputer kita akan berkurang sebanyak jumlah yang dipakai kartu grafis onboard tersebut. Jadi jangan heran kalo RAM di komputer kita tidak menunjukkan ukuran yang seharusnya, mungkin hanya dikarenakan terpakai sebagian sebagai memori bagi kartu grafis onboard komputermu.
6. Optical Disk Drive (CD Room /DVD Room)
Optical disk drive adalah bagian integral dari konsumen yang berdiri sendiri peralatan seperti CD players, pemutar DVD dan DVD recorder. Mereka juga sangat umum digunakan pada perangkat lunak komputer untuk membaca dan konsumen media yang didistribusikan dalam bentuk CD, dan untuk merekam cakram untuk arsip dan pertukaran data. Optical drive-bersama memori flash-sebagian besar telah mengungsi floppy disk drive dan tape drive magnetik untuk tujuan ini karena biaya rendah dan media optik yang nyaris di mana-mana optical drive di komputer dan perangkat keras konsumen hiburan.
7. POWER SUPPLY UNIT ( PSU )
Pada dasarnya power supply termasuk dari bagian power conversion. Power conversion sendiri terdiri dari tiga macam: AC/DC Power Supply,DC/DC Converter,dan DC/AC Inverter. Power supply untuk PC sering juga disebut sebagai PSU (power supply unit).
PSU termasuk power conversion AC/DC, Fungsi utamanya mengubah listrik arus bolak-balik (AC) yang tersedia dari aliran listrik (di Indonesia, PLN). Menjadi arus listrik searah (DC) yang dibutuhkan oleh komponen pada PC.  
8. MONITOR
Disebut juga screen atau display. Fungsi dari layar monitor adalah untuk menampilkan video dan informasi grafis yang dihasilkan dari komputer melalui alat yang disebut kartu grafis (VGA Card). Monitor ini bentuk fisiknya hampir sama dengan televisi , hanya saja televisi biasanya mampu menampilkan informasi grafis dengan ukuran resolusi yang lebih tinggi. 
9. KEYBOARD & MOUSE
Keyboard dan mouse berfungsi sebagai alat input untuk memasukkan perintah teks, karakter, atau menggerakkan objek pada antarmuka grafis untuk diproses oleh komputer. Ukuran dan bentuk dari kedua alat ini cukup beragam, namun fungsinya sama saja.
10. PRINTER & SCANER
Printer berfungsi sebagai alat output cetak dari dokumen elektronik baik bentuk teks maupun grafis. Pada komputer rumahan biasanya menggunakan kertas sebagai media cetaknya. Sedangkan fungsi scanner adalah kebalikan dari printer yaitu memindai input data dari luar komputer ke dalam bentuk elektronik yang dapat diolah secara digital. 
11. SPEAKER
Fungsi dari speaker adalah sebagai alat output suara yang dihasilkan dari komputer. Selain speaker, sering juga kita temukan orang yang menggunakan headphone/headset sebagai alat output suara.
12. SOUND CARD
Fungsinya sebagai penghubung antara komputer dan alat output audio seperti speaker
13. MODEM
Alat ini berfungsi untuk menghubungkan komputer ke internet
14. LAN CARD
Fungsinya sebagai penghubung komputer dalam suatu jaringan.

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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